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January Conference 1999
THEATRE : ANCIENT & MODERN

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(Mis)Translating Tragedy: Irish Poets and Greek Plays

Des O'Rawe, Queens University, Belfast, U.K.

'It pained him that he did not know well what politics meant and that he did not know where the universe ended.'[1]

One of the more curious developments in contemporary Irish poetry has been its engagement with classical Greek drama. Given the range of 'translators' (chiefly, Tom Paulin, Seamus Heaney, Brendan Kennelly, Desmond Egan and Derek Mahon) and texts (Antigone, Prometheus, Philoktetes, Medeia, Trojan Women and Bakkhai) one might be forgiven for thinking that no (male) Irish poet's œuvre can any longer be considered complete without at least one published version of a Greek play.[2] This translational tendency (tradition) is hardly remarkable in a culture peculiarly alert to the poetics and politics of bilingualism, a culture where the act of translation, whether from the Irish, East European or Classical canons, yields potent metaphors that signify 'the degree to which … inherited definitions of national life, of social origins and expectations, fail to account for much individual and collective experience'.[3] Such an explanation suggests that the preponderance of translations from Greek drama, particularly tragic drama, is less a coincidental activity than a collective project, a discrete cultural product of the Ireland's post-colonial condition: 'These Irish writers seem to be harnessing the transfixing energy of Greek tragedy – the snakes of Medusa's hair – in order to inspire political and social change rather than maintain the status quo'.[4]

This paper argues that the celebration of these plays as catalysts of political and social transformation exaggerates both the dissident potential of the translational act in Ireland, and the availability of mainstream Irish theatre to genuinely radical, éngagé even, productions. Comparisons with dissident translations in other 'occupied' or post-colonial situations are tantalising, but contemporary Ireland, North and/or South, is hardly Vichy France and, as W.J. McCormack has cautioned: 'The urge to associate Ireland with the Third World has many virtues to recommend it, but a clear conception of Ireland's relation to the first is not always assisted'.[5] While not suggesting that such practices should be discouraged, this paper is arguing that future Irish translators (and critics) must attend to a wider range of aesthetic and performative issues before assuming the availability of Greek tragedy to allegory and ideology. The structure of the discussion that follows, and the selection of plays, is based on the general hypothesis that versions of Greek plays by contemporary Irish poets, and their critical reception, tend to fixate around one of three translational/interpretative options: the 'tragedy' of political violence in the North (Paulin and Heaney), the tension between residual and emergent social values in the South (Kennelly), and the procedure of subordinating culturally comparative possibilities to the quest for lexical equivalence (Egan). In lieu of a translational approach that can successfully eschew such susceptibility to the paradigmatic and resistance to the polyvalent, Irish poets have continued to (mis)translate tragedy.

Tom Paulin's 1984 version of Antigone (The Riot Act) and Seamus Heaney's 1990 version of Philoktetes (The Cure at Troy) were both written and produced under the ideological auspices of the Field Day Theatre Company,[6] with both writers situating Sophocles within a distinctly Northern Irish context. While there is a certain plausibility in Richard Jones's contention that '[i]n neither of these plays … does a particular political creed dominate either the action or the perception of it',[7] this type of reading, in foregrounding the 'language question' and, more specifically, the ways in which the Irish-English idiom is used to ensure that 'political issues are dealt with obliquely',[8] can exaggerate the amount of ideological free-play available to, or desired by, Paulin, Heaney (and Field Day). Both The Riot Act and The Cure at Troy remain inseparable from their immediate political contexts. The life-span of any translated text is short, particularly if it invests heavily in the political imagery and rhetoric of the moment. Caught between the dubious metaphysics of Field Day and the contingent mess of developments on the ground, The Riot Act and The Cure at Troy continue to (mis)translate.

Field Day may have been less 'a doctrinaire enterprise [than] an enterprise which [was] alert to the world beyond the constrictions of Irish cultural debate',[9] but neither was it ever a particularly subversive movement anxious to deconstruct colonised/coloniser, Green/Orange opposition/s by amplifying Ireland's subaltern voices:[10] one person's 'fifth province' is another's 'tiocfaidh ár lá'.[11] Colin Graham, in commenting on Seamus Deane's 'Introduction' to Nationalism, Colonialism and Literature,[12] indicates how the absence of a Subaltern Studies critique limits Field Day's post-colonial reading of Irish culture:

While Subaltern Studies are able to produce a critique of post-colonial nationalism as an imitative, repressive entity and to focus on those groups within society for whom nationalism has been a continuity of oppression, Deane inverts post-colonial dissent against nationalism to the point where it is forced to return to the ethical origins of post-colonialism. 'British nationalism', because Irish nationalism copied it, is to blame. Deane's implication is that Irish nationalism, without the pernicious influence of Britain, would have been liberating – the Subaltern Studies critique, in my view, insists that nationalism per se is restrictive, over-homogenising and repressive.[13]

Although Graham concedes, albeit via negativa, that Field Day does 'provide an interesting path towards a post-colonial reading of Irish culture', his emphasis on the Company's critical, rather that its theatrical, repertoire tends to preclude a consideration of Field Day's policy of commissioning 'translated' texts.[14] Paulin's and Heaney's translations from Sophocles were part of a wider 'post-nationalist' agenda and appear alongside productions of 'translated' works from Chekhov, Molière and Athol Fugard.[15] Within this context, it was hardly surprising that Field Day has been attracted to Classical texts, nor that Translations, the company's inaugural production is famously replete with references to classical writings and writers.[16] Ironically, Field Day's translational practices may have owed as much to the impact of 'revisionism',[17] as to any 'recognition that it is necessary to look beyond Ireland in order to examine the condition of Ireland'.[18] The cultural transmission of the Classics, after all, had been commonly associated with the colonial education system and the hegemony of the Anglo-Irish élite. By the mid-1980s, such assumptions were being challenged by 'revisionism', which in interrogating some of the certainties associated with Anglo-Irish hegemony ,[19] doubtless assisted in weakening the nexus between classicism and colonialism. Unfortunately, such cultural anomalies (and further subaltern possibilities) found little or no expression in the Field Day/Revisionism debates of the 1980s and 1990s. If anything, Paulin's and Heaney's recruitment of Sophocles to re-mythologize the condition of the North in The Riot Act and The Cure at Troy can emerge as being disappointingly symptomatic of this carefully regulated 'battle of the books' .[20]

When Paulin came to write his version of Antigone in the early 1980s the political situation in Northern Ireland had moved into another new but no less uncertain phase. The IRA (Irish Republican Army) had enjoyed wide-spread nationalist sympathy for its 1981 Hunger Strike and its political wing, Sinn Féin had gained 13.4% of the popular vote in the North and a Westminster seat in the 1983 General Election. The political scene was dominated by debates about the Prevention of Terrorism Act, 'Supergrass Trials', and the continued improbability of a consociational settlement. In August 1984, one month before The Riot Act was premiered, serious rioting broke out in West Belfast when the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) attempted to arrest the Irish-American (NORAID) fund-raiser Martin Galvin. In the mêlée that ensued a civilian bystander, Sean Downes, was killed by a plastic bullet. Serious rioting continued for the rest of that week and on August 16 the RUC were shot at during riots on the Shankill Road. Four days later allegations of an RUC 'Shoot to Kill' policy gathered further credibility with the resignation of the Armagh Coroner, who found 'grave irregularities' in the RUC files relating to the shooting of two Republicans in 1982.[21] This immediate context remains crucial to any understanding of The Riot Act's ideological remit and reception. Paulin is nothing if not attentive to the 'moment' and it may now be more instructive to read The Riot Act in conjunction with his 1987 dramatic satire, The Hillsborough Script than with his other translational foray into Greek tragedy, Seize the Fire (1990).[22]

Generally, Paulin's sense of an appropriate poetic is maintained throughout The Riot Act. The timbre is terse and measured, at times reminiscent of W.R. Rogers's sardonic characterisation of Ulster (speech):

I am Ulster, my people an abrupt people
Who like the spiky consonants in speech
and think the soft ones cissy; who dig
the k and t in orchestra, detect sin
in sinfonia, get a kick out of
Tin cans, fricatives, fornication, staccato talk,
Anything that gives or takes attack … [23]

The adaptation of the chorus's 'Ode to Man'(23-4), however, does an injustice to the (Sophoclean) significance of this speech, although its ironic tempo fits well into Paulin's collection of poems, Fivemiletown,[24] 'where poems repeatedly draw analogies emphasising the parallelism between personal and institutional histories, only to undercut the stability of each'.[25] Similarly, the play's deployment of Irish-English, like its plethora of 'Protestant' images ('The stage is the grey of bedrock. Triangles, Masonic symbols, neo-classical architrave'(9)) may have more to do with Paulin's own aesthetic concerns than with correcting Conor Cruise O'Brien.[26] Despite Paulin's abject disenchantment with O'Brien (post-1968), and in particular 'O'Brien's inability to understand [Antigone]',[27] both writers occupy positions which can at times seem more complementary than contradictory. As an advocate of imaginative, secular, republicanism, who has remarked upon the ease with which 'Romantic ideas of authenticity, rootedness, traditional crafts and folklore, take on the stink of power politics and genocide' [28] (in a book comprised of essays that are, in part, 'stages towards a work which would seek to complement O'Brien's remarkable [1952] study of the Catholic imagination, Maria Cross'[29]), Paulin is certainly close to occupying the same category of Irish intellectual dissidence as Conor Cruise O'Brien.

The assumption that The Riot Act is mainly a corrective to O'Brien's ethical rehabilitation of Creon through Ismene, and 'severe distortion of the tragic conflict',[30] must give some consideration to such anomalies. Paulin's play, even with its return to Hegel and its re-assertion of 'the pre-individual state of the camps in the North of Ireland',[31] is both an important contribution to Field Day's oppositional critique of the causes of contemporary political violence in the North and an opportunity for Paulin to further assert the linguistic integrity of Ulster-English.[32] It is chiefly within this latter context that The Riot Act merits critical attention. If we still look to Antigone to elucidate the moral and political questions posed by political events in Northern Ireland, like the violation of the dead (the missing corpses of the 'Disappeared')[33] or cultural Creonism (in both its Unionist and Nationalist forms), Sophocles' original remains more illuminating than Paulin's 'version'. While Paulin's translation may be less 'cynical' than O'Brien's sophistry, it too is 'pragmatically rigged'.[34] As Christopher Murray comments: 'all style is lowered to such a common level that the tragedy dwindles into provincial simplicities. [The Riot Act] merely reinforces political stereotypes'.[35]

Like Paulin's play, The Cure at Troy also deploys much of the same type of Ulster vernacular language: words and phrases like 'staunch', 'slabbering', 'blather', 'throughother' and 'more power to you' are used throughout. It is also a play that is profoundly conscious of a specific political context. By 1990 Northern Ireland had now entered the phase of inter-governmental conferences against a background of 'legitimate targets' and 'acceptable levels of violence'. Nonetheless, a rapprochement between all sides was certainly starting to appear imaginable. The then Northern Ireland Secretary of State, Peter Brooke, was pushing vigorously for a devolved settlement with a Dublin dimension and one month after The Cure at Troy was premiered, Brooke made his controversial – and, as it turned out, highly significant – speech at Whitbread in which he claimed that Britain had 'no selfish, economic or strategic interest' in Northern Ireland and would accept unification by consent.[36] When placed within this context, The Cure at Troy quickly assumes a (Field Day-friendly) allegorical form.

While Heaney's rendering of the play is poetically smooth and disciplined, the thrust of its pivotal speech, the choral ode deployed to precede Hercules' speech, seems to point an accusing finger at Unionism. It is less the specific references, than the general thrust of Heaney's choral interpolation, that seems to deprive Unionism of any purchase on tragic insight:

Human beings suffer,
They torture one another,
They get hurt and get hard,
No poem or play or song
Can fully right a wrong
Inflicted and endured.

The innocent in gaols
Beat on their bars together,
A hunger-striker's father
Stands in the graveyard dumb,
The police widow in veils
Faints at the funeral home.

History says, Don't hope
On this side of the grave.
But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal wave
Of justice can rise up
And hope and history rhyme …(77)

Abstracted from its context, this speech seems to fulfil the elementary requirements of a tragic chorus, namely, the expression of general moral applications. This strategy, however, seems less successful when contextualised within a play replete with references to 'saying no',[37] a play that invites its audience to associate Philoctetes with the 'staunch' and distrustful voices of Ulster Unionism, Odysseus with the Northern Ireland Office and the Dublin Government, and Neoptolemus with John Hume and constitutional nationalism. This much-cited choral ode, with its wager on the 'rhyming' of 'history' and 'hope', discloses not only an aspiration full of 'fifth province' promise, it also reveals one of the ways in which poets, like Heaney and Paulin, can declare ideological convictions under the cover of translation. Furthermore, Heaney's over-investment in political specificity (rather than universality) has been further evinced by the omission of this speech's second stanza from Liam Neeson's recitation on Across the Bridge of Hope (1998), a compilation album by various artists, produced by the organisers of the Omagh Bomb Memorial Fund.

 

The Cure at Troy is relevant within the context of Heaney's œuvre and should best be considered 'in light of the endemic tensions in [Heaney's] poetry between private experience and public utterance, between poet as lyricist and poet as priest-figure, between lyric and didactic poet'.[38] In Greek mythology Hercules' bow can signify the harnessing of the tensions between the creative and destructive forces which dominate the Cosmos. The myth of Philoctetes (after Wilson[39]) is also a myth of the artist:

it asserts that society may not have the necessary powers of the artist without ensuring his/her disagreeable personality: one may not have the benefit of the magic bow without having to put up with the stench of its owner's wound. For Heaney, … Philoctetes was another alienated artist 'displaced, guilty, assuaging himself by utterance'.[40]

Here we can locate a relationship between Heaney's decision to translate Philoktetes and his anxieties as a witness to civil violence who must practice good 'government of the tongue': a lyrical 'bystander' whose 'music', amidst the horrors and brutalities of civil conflict, might seem a 'culpable indulgence'.[41] However, such a relationship, while explicit and disturbing in Heaney's 'Mycenae Lookout' sequence,[42] is finessed (for Field Day) in The Cure at Troy.

This problem is one which Desmond Egan attempted to remedy in his (1998) version of Philoktetes. It would be incorrect to accuse Egan of deliberately attempting to out-play Heaney. In a critical study of Egan's work, published in 1992, Brian Arkins states that Egan had been translating from Philoktetes for some time and that a complete translation was well on the way.[43] However, in his introduction to that long-awaited translation, Arkins asserts that

[Egan] resists any temptation to add to Sophocles – unlike e.g. Heaney who, in his version, makes the chorus refer to Northern Ireland. This rare fidelity to the source language ensures, paradoxically, that Egan makes a radical statement: we are required, now, to examine the Philoctetes of 409 BC. In other words, because the original significance of Philoctetes is lost and because Egan provides no modern apparatus to interpret it, we must, as readers, actualise the potential of the source text without recourse to familiar yardsticks. The resulting dialogue between past and present will of necessity be open-ended. [44]

As a trained classicist, Egan has the advantage of both considerable linguistic expertise and a broader appreciation of the problems facing the modern translator of classical Greek literature.[45] Certainly, one would like to believe that Egan's standing as an Irish poet translating classical Greek tragedy, at this particular historical 'moment', is a significant ideological statement in itself. Egan's translation of Philoktetes exudes interpretative prudence and precision but it is nearly impossible to assess its theatrical merits. At least with Heaney (and Paulin) we can read across and between text and performance. In offering nothing by way of production guidelines or suggestions, Egan's version of Philoktetes can emerge as being more a piece of (conservative) scholarship than a viable translation that is more than a replacement but less than an trite appropriation. A translation of this type becomes sterile unless we are given some sense of its performative shape, some sense of its alterity and resistance to logocentricity. Although Egan's previous Greek translation, Medea, was 'staged in a reader's theatre production in Omaha in February 1991 and was presented in four performances in Little Rock in October 1991',[46] it too barely leaves the page. Indeed, the published edition of this translation is accompanied by the original Greek text. All of which invites comparison with the strategies adopted by Brendan Kennelly, who in addition to Medea (1988), has also written versions of Antigone (1986) and Trojan Women (1991).

Although first performed in April 1986, Kennelly's Antigone was written in the summer of 1984. As Anthony Roche has argued, Kennelly's Antigone is a conscious response to contemporary events in the Republic of Ireland: the New Ireland Forum Report (a pan-nationalist conference that proved a key factor in the drawing-up of the Anglo-Irish Agreement but which also debated the relationship between church and state in modern Ireland), the draconian 1984 Criminal Justice Bill and the Catholic church's continued interference in divorce and abortion debates.[47] The patience of Irish liberalism was further strained in June 1984 with the arrival of Ronald Reagan to visit his (apparently) ancestral home, Ballybunion. If Paulin's translation served to 'reinforce political stereotypes', Kennelly, fired by the zeal of the disappointed liberal, transformed Sophocles' play into a piece of pseudo-feminist propaganda that foregrounds a simplistic opposition between the individual and the state.

Despite describing his Antigone as a 'straight translation',[48] Kennelly, like Paulin, was not overly concerned with the task of writing a version of this play that was linguistically faithful to the original. Kennelly's Antigone was distilled from his readings of several different English translations. This fact may partly account for his version's preoccupation with the relationship between language and power, 'the word' or 'Creon's word', for example, appears no fewer than fourteen times in the (short) first scene. While this is possibly dramatically effective, in an anaphoric sense, it can eventually prove irritating. What one hears throughout this translation is Kennelly's own iconoclastic lyrical voice, as exemplified in his rendering of the stasimon that precedes Antigone's 'last journey' to her execution:

Love, you are the object of our lives,
Love, you are the truest crime;
Love, you prove the obscenity of money,
Love, you are a waste of time […]

The chief problem with Kennelly's version of Antigone can be located in his ambivalent desire to be 'loyal' both to his 'understanding of the Greek world' and to his 'experience of life in Ireland'; or, to be more accurate, the Republic of Ireland.

Kennelly's next foray into Greek tragedy, his version of Medea, was first performed in the 1988 Dublin Theatre Festival before playing at the Gate in the summer of 1989. Kennelly's Medea, like his Antigone, provided him with another opportunity to say something about the social and psychological position of women in contemporary (southern) Irish society. As he writes, in his preface to this play, the 'rage' of Medea seemed to correspond to some of his own 'rage' while undergoing treatment in St. Patrick's Psychiatric Hospital, in the summer of 1986, and, more precisely, to the 'rage' of the 'unutterably hurt' women he encountered there (6-7). Not surprisingly, Kennelly's version extends Medea's speeches (her 'rage'), makes Creon's motives for her banishment appear purely vindictive and devoid of any principle and characterises Jason as abjectly callow, snobbish and selfish; the text repeatedly refers to him as 'plausible'. Furthermore, the choral odes are augmented and radically reshaped to suit Kennelly's feminist concerns: Medea's killing of her children, for example, is exploited to allow a choral comment on abortion: 'It would have been merciful to kill them in the womb. Abortion can be a kind of mercy' (56). Any attempt at an authentic translation of an Euripidean vision is consistently obscured by the quotidian world of Irish sexual politics. For all its lyrical sprightliness and fluency, Kennelly's Medea is overwhelmed by an excessive out-pouring of guilt about the way men treat women. The intervention of Helios and deportation of Medea to Athens is poorly dealt with and, if anything, seems to have presented itself to Kennelly as an anachronistic nuisance.

Many of these criticisms seem equally applicable to Kennelly's The Trojan Women, which was premiered at the Peacock in the summer of 1993. Again Kennelly wanted to use this tragedy to say something specifically about the oppression of women by men: 'I felt, after I'd finished Medea, that I wanted to write another play about women. So many things had been left unsaid. They always are. Again, I was drawn to Euripides' (5). In so-doing, Kennelly distorts what is essentially an anti-war play into an anti-male play. It seems plausible to argue that in using the story of the Trojan woman, Euripides' play is concerned more with the tragic consequences of patria rather than patriarchy. In his efforts to make the women morally victorious, Kennelly again alludes to the issues of divorce and abortion. As in Antigone and Medea, Kennelly capitalises on the complexities of male guilt. As he says in his preface: 'I wasn't writing a hymn to heroic women although I believe a man might spend his lifetime praising certain women and count that life well spent' (5). No feminist seriously believes that if men replace one type of idealisation for another that women's social and economic freedoms will be substantially extended. Nevertheless, critics like Kathleen McCracken responded very positively to Kennelly's translations from Greek tragedy as a kind of penance for the sins of patriarchy:

Kennelly's version [of Trojan Women] retains the complementary arrangement of victim-protagonists of Euripides' play so that, like Hecuba and Cassandra, Andromache articulates a feminist philosophy which has been formed in a crucible of silence, reflection and bitter experience. Her discourse on the nature of masculine lust and men's calculated praise of women constitutes an all too familiar tale of feminine capitulation and conformity.[49]

A cynic might dwell on the phrase 'men's calculated praise' but such a concession to ad hominem argument is unnecessary. Suffice to say that while Kennelly's Antigone, Medea and The Trojan Women attest to what McCracken describes as 'an acute listening and giving voice to women'[50] they do not attest to 'an acute listening and giving voice' to Greek tragedy.

Derek Mahon's The Bacchae (1991) might also be read as an attempt to translate the conflict between conservatism and liberalism in modern Ireland, particularly the struggle of women for greater freedom from patriarchal expectations. According to Colin Teevan, the significance of Mahon's translation may lie in the fact that it 'marks an end of the cycle of women-against-authority plays that were receiving new versions at the hands of Irish writers'.[51] Given Mahon's status as an elegist of the flotsam and jetsam, alongside his prodigious translational output,[52] the notion that he would be drawn to the Bakkhai for such quotidian reasons is debatable. Similarly, the suggestion made by Teevan that there 'are many hints that this version might be equally applicable to the North'[53] is too speculative to be convincing. Marianne McDonald has also argued that Mahon's translation 'offers a parable suitable to Ireland'. Focussing on Mahon's rendering of the choral ode[54] 'in which the Asian Baccantes describe the pleasure of holding one's hand over the head of a conquered foe', McDonald comments that:

Mahon positions this appeal in the play where Euripides placed it in his play, but it also concludes Mahon's play. Mahon does not allow Euripides' rather didactic, formulaic, and pious ending to have the last word. Instead, the note of vengeance, as sounded in the earlier chorus, and pleasure in vengeance is what Mahon ironically stresses. Part of the tragedy is history itself, and Mahon's lines beat with the lifeblood of passion.[55]

If Teevan's treatment of this issue errs on the side of wistful speculation, McDonald's approach veers towards the politically prescriptive in its paradigmatic formulation (rather than critical interrogation) of metaphysical categories like vengeance, tragedy and (Irish) history. What is significant about Mahon's chorus is its 'quotation' from Casablanca and ironizing of all passion (including Kennellyean 'rage' and/or 'pleasure in vengeance'): 'It's still the same old story, / a fight for love and glory, / and every heart admits that this is so!'. In this play, as in his poetry, Mahon rarely leaves his 'Antarctica':[56] 'What he celebrates – and it's a celebration conducted in a temperature of absolute zero – is the perfection of art, an intense quidditas which exists outside history'.[57] Although Mahon takes liberties with the source language (the second half of Tiresias' opening speech is rendered thus: 'I'm old myself, of course, but [Cadmus is] older still. / We agreed to get ourselves some bacchic gear / and go to the famous ceílí,[58] like half the women here' (15)), his attention to stage directions, music and dance enables him to translate something of the spirit of Euripidean scepticism. In this way Mahon finds a performative shape and linguistic register to ensure that his encounter with Greek tragedy can be both energetic and bewildering.

Two factors have inhibited the successful translation of Greek tragedy by Irish poets. First, in making the most of their immediate socio-political contexts, many of the plays discussed here too readily invite ideologically heavy-handed interpretations. Inevitably, where the text has not exceeded the circumstances, the circumstances have quickly exceeded the text. Secondly, such plays remain prone to excessive textuality, too much concerned with a lexical, rather than a theatrical, understanding of image and gesture, although Mahon's translational approach seems to negotiate these hazards more successfully than the approach favoured by his contemporaries. The task is clear: to produce a radical (disturbing) encounter with classical Greek culture and mythology that is neither an exercise in prosaic political allegory nor a linguistically arid experience for all concerned. In the meantime, we must make do with (mis)translation.[59]

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Endnotes

[1] James Joyce, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (Grafton, 1977) 15.

[2] Tom Paulin, The Riot Act: A Version of Sophocles' Antigone (Faber, 1985) and Seize the Fire: A Version of Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound (Faber, 1990); Seamus Heaney, The Cure at Troy: A Version of Sophocles' Philoctetes (Faber, 1990) and the 'Mycenae Lookout' sequence from The Spirit Level (Faber, 1996) 29-37; Brendan Kennelly, Antigone: A New Version (Bloodaxe, 1996), Medea: A New Version (Bloodaxe, 1991) and The Trojan Women: A New Version. (Bloodaxe, 1993); Desmond Egan, Euripides: Medea (Kavanagh, 1991), Sophocles: Philoctetes (Goldsmith, 1998); Derek Mahon, The Bacchae: After Euripides (Gallery, 1991).

[3] Terence Brown, 'Translating Ireland,' Krino: An Anthology of Modern Irish Writing, eds. Gerald Dawe and Jonathan Williams (Gill and Macmillan, 1996) 138.

[4] Marianne McDonald, 'When Despair and History Rhyme: Colonialism and Greek Tragedy,' New Hibernia Review, 1.2 (1997) 58.

[5] W.J. McCormack, From Burke to Beckett: Ascendancy, Tradition and Betrayal in Literary History (Cork UP, 1994) 14.

[6] Field Day was set up in 1980, initially by Brian Friel and Stephen Rea, who were then joined on its board of directors by Heaney, Paulin, Seamus Deane and David Hammond: 'all the directors felt that the political crisis in the North and its reverberations in the Republic had made the necessity of a reappraisal of Ireland's political and cultural situation explicit and urgent'. Field Day Theatre Company, Ireland's Field Day (Hutchinson, 1985) vii. Central to this 'reappraisal' was the construction of an Irish 'fifth province': 'an equivalent centre from which the four broken and fragmented pieces of contemporary Ireland might be seen in fact as coherent'. Seamus Deane and Richard Kearney, 'Why Ireland Needs a Fifth Province,' Sunday Independent 22 Jan. 1984 (qtd. in Shaun Richards, 'Field Day's Fifth Province: Avenue or Impasse?' Culture and Politics in Northern Ireland: 1960-1990, ed. Eamonn Hughes (Open University Press, 1991) 140. See also, Elmer Andrews, 'The Fifth Province,' The Achievement of Brian Friel, ed. Alan J. Peacock, Ulster Editions and Monographs 6 (Colin Smythe, 1993) 29-48. See also Marilynn J. Richtarik, Acting Between the Lines: The Field Day Theatre Company and Irish Cultural Politics: 1980-1984 (Clarendon, 1994).

[7] Richard C. Jones, 'Talking Amongst Ourselves': Language, Politics and Sophocles on the Field Day Stage,' International Journal of the Classical Tradition, 4.2 (1997) 244.

[8] Jones, 233.

[9] Eamonn Hughes, 'To Define Your Dissent: The Plays and Polemics of the Field Day Theatre Company,' Theatre Research International. 15. 1 (1990) 69.

[10] At the time of writing, the most accessible (and up-to-date) overviews and analyses of the subaltern and post-colonial theory are to be found in Vinayak Chaturvedi, ed. Mapping Subaltern Studies and the Postcolonial (Verso, 1999).

[11] Republican slogan which translates as 'our day will come', i.e. a unified and independent Ireland.

[12] Terry Eagleton, Frederic Jameson, Edward W. Said, Nationalism, Colonialism and Literature (U Minneapolis P, 1990) 3-19.

[13] Colin Graham, 'Liminal Spaces: Post-Colonial Theories and Irish Culture,' Irish Review. 16 (1994) 36-37.

[14] For a more comprehensive study of the discursive problems that arise through the application of many traditional post-colonial theories to the study of Irish culture see, Colin Graham and Richard Kirkland, eds. Ireland and Cultural Theory: The Mechanics of Authenticity (Macmillan, 1999).

[15] Friel, Three Sisters: A Translation of the Play by Anton Chekhov (Gallery, 1981); Derek Mahon, High Time: A Comedy in One Act Based on Molière's The School for Husbands (Gallery, 1985). A production of Fugard's Boesman and Lena was staged in 1983.

[16] Brian Friel, Translations (Faber, 1981). Alan J. Peacock, 'Translating the Past: Friel, Greece and Rome,' The Achievement of Brian Friel 113-33. Declan Kiberd, Inventing Ireland: The Literature of the Modern Nation (Jonathan Cape, 1995) 614-23.

[17] '[The] controversy over 'revisionism' … had it origins in objections, first voiced in the mid-1980s, to a specific body of recent writing that was seen as openly hostile to the traditional nationalist understanding of the Irish past. Since then the debate has expanded to include a broader critique of the way in which Irish history in general has been written since the late 1930s. Essentially the argument is that the concern of academic historians to distance themselves from a nationalism identified with propagandist myth making and violence has led them to produce a bland, 'value-free' history that has failed to do justice to crucial aspects of Irish experience. The apparent eagerness of most writers to minimise the responsibility of the British government for massive loss of life during the Great Famine is often cited as one example. This process of self-censorship is seen as intensifying from the 1970s, in response to the resurgence of physical force nationalism in Northern Ireland. An alternative argument, more political in character, is that 'revisionist' history, denigrating the nationalist tradition, is a conservative attempt to undermine the forces of political change in Ireland north and south'. The Oxford Companion to Irish History, ed. S.J. Connolly (Oxford University Press, 1998) 244.

[18] Hughes, 'To Define Your Dissent' 70.

[19] For example, see R.F. Foster's Modern Ireland: 1600-1972 (Penguin, 1989) 373-460.

[20] W.J. McCormack's The Battle of the Books: Two Decades of Irish Cultural Debate (Lilliput, 1986) still offers a highly stimulating survey of the major critical debates in Irish letters.

[21] For precise details and related facts and figures see: W.D. Flacks and Sydney Elliot, Northern Ireland: A Political Directory: 1968-93 (Blackstaff, 1994), Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles: 1968-93. (Gill and Macmillan, 1993).

[22] Tom Paulin, The Hillsborough Script: A Dramatic Satire (Faber, 1987). Seize the Fire, Paulin's version of Prometheus, while not a Field Day production, afforded him a further opportunity to interrogate the contemporary antagonism between rights and responsibilities through the vista of Greek tragedy. As with The Riot Act, Seize the Fire is shaped by an attachment to 'Enlightenment' rationalism that is not always aesthetically beneficial.

[23] Rogers, W.R., 'Epilogue to "The Character of Ireland"', Collected Poems (Gallery, 1971) 101.

[24] Paulin, Fivemiletown (Faber, 1987).

[25] Clair Wills, Improprieties: Politics and Sexuality in Northern Irish Poetry (Clarendon, 1993) 124.

[26] O'Brien originally made the Antigone analogy in a lecture he gave to a Civil Rights meeting at Queen's University, Belfast in October 1968. Part of this lecture was then reprinted in the October edition of The Listener and was then included, with significant revisions, in his 1972 collection of essays, States of Ireland (Random, 1972). Critical treatments of The Riot Act invariably relate it to Paulin's interpretation of O'Brien's volte-face. In 1968, O'Brien used Antigone to illustrate the ethical validity of civil disobedience, by 1972 he has revised this reading to such an extent that he was able to declare that 'after four years of Antigone and her under-studies and all those funerals … you begin to feel Ismene's common-sense and feeling for the living may make the more needful, if less spectacular element in "human dignity"'. Qtd. in Tom Paulin, 'The Making of a Loyalist,' Writing to the Moment: Selected Critical Essays: 1980-1996 (Faber, 1996) 6.

[27] Tom Paulin, 'The Making of a Loyalist,' Writing to the Moment: Selected Critical Essays: 1980-1996 (Faber, 1996) 12.

[28] Paulin, 'Dwelling Without Roots: Elizabeth Bishop,' Minotaur: Poetry and the Nation State (Faber, 1992) 190.

[29] 'Introduction,' Minotaur 12. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Maria Cross: Imaginative Patterns in a Group of Modern Catholic Writers (1952; Chatto and Windus, 1953).

[30] Paulin, 'The Making of a Loyalist,' 6.

[31] 'O'Brien's version of the myth internalises the positions of Antigone, Ismene and Creon as a continuum along which the liberal individual conscience can slide. Paulin by returning to [the] Hegelian reading, re-asserts the pre-individual state of the camps in the North of Ireland. Instead of an achieved individuality (one which would be markedly different from that assumed by O'Brien) there are only appeals to rights and tribal loyalties. Under these conditions Antigone and Creon, the representatives of rights, form an intimate opposition in which each knows the other's point of view without being able to comprehend it.' Hughes, 74.

[32] It is also worth bearing in mind that in addition to his Field Day Pamphlet, 'A New Look at The Language Question' (Writing to the Moment, 51-67) Paulin has edited the Faber Book of Vernacular Verse (Faber, 1990).

[33] Civilians executed by the IRA for various offences during the 'troubles'. Only recently, has the IRA agreed to assist in locating the twelve graves. The results of various searches have not been promising.

[34] Paulin, 'The Making of a Loyalist,' 12.

[35] Christopher Murray, Twentieth-Century Irish Drama: Mirror Up to Nation (Manchester UP, 1997) 214.

[36] Brian Rowan, Behind the Lines: The Story of the IRA and Loyalist Ceasefires. (Blackstaff, 1995) 46-8.

[37] The 'Ulster Says No' campaign was organised by Unionists to mobilise popular opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Part of its protest strategy was the erection of 'Ulster Says No' banners on council buildings and town halls throughout Northern Ireland.

[38] Alan Peacock, 'Meditations: Poet as Translator, Poet as Seer,' Seamus Heaney: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Elmer Andrews (Macmillan, 1992) 235.

[39] Edmund Wilson, 'Philoctetes: The Wound and the Bow,' The Wound and the Bow: Seven Studies in Literature (Methuen, 1961) 244-64.

[40] Murray, Twentieth-Century Irish Drama 215. Quotation is from Heaney's introduction to his translation of Buile Suibhne, Sweeney Astray (Faber, 1983) vi.

[41] Seamus Heaney, 'The Interesting Case of Nero, Chekhov's Cognac and a Knocker,' The Government of the Tongue: The 1986 T.S. Eliot Memorial Lectures and Other Critical Writings (Faber, 1988) xii.

[42] An insightful and succinct analysis of this sequence can be found in Helen Vendler, Seamus Heaney (Harper Collins, 1998) 168-175.

[43] Brian Arkins, Desmond Egan: A Critical Study (Milestone, 1992) 95. Coincidentally, this book is dedicated to Desmond Fennell who authored an audacious, if not particularly rigorous, assault on Heaney's political manoeuvrings in 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing,' Heresy: The Battle of Ideas in Modern Ireland (Blackstaff, 1993) 130-77.

[44] Arkins, 'Introduction,' Philoctetes 8.

[45] See, Egan's 'Poetry and Translation,' (Studies. 76, 1987. 227-34) and 'Thucydides and Lough Owel: The Greek Influence' (The Death of Metaphor (Colin Smythe, 1990, 113-28).

[46] Arkins, Desmond Egan: A Critical Study 115.

[47] For a sociological overview see, Chrystel Hug, The Politics of Sexual Morality in Ireland (Macmillan) 1999.

[48] Qtd. in Anthony Roche's 'Ireland's Antigones: Tragedy North and South,' Cultural Contexts and Literary Idioms in Contemporary Irish Literature, ed. Michael Kenneally (Colin Smythe, 1988) 237.

[49] Kathleen McCracken, 'Rage for a New Order: Brendan Kennelly's Plays for Women,' Dark Fathers into Light: Brendan Kennelly, ed. Richard Pine (Bloodaxe, 1994) 144-5.

[50] McCracken, 'Rage for a New Order' 116.

[51] Colin Teevan, 'Northern Ireland: Our Troy? Recent Versions of Greek Tragedies by Irish Writers,' Modern Drama 41.1 (1998) 82. Like Roche and McDonald, Teevan also discusses Aidan Carl Mathews's (unpublished) version of Antigone (1984).

[52] Mahon's cosmopolitanism is particularly evident when one considers his translations from French literature. In addition to High Time, Mahon has also published: The Chimeras: A Version of Les Chimères by Gérard de Nerval (Gallery, 1982), The School for Wives: A Play in Two Acts After Molière (Gallery, 1986), Racine's Phaedra (Gallery, 1996), Words in the Air: A Selection of Poems by Philippe Jaccottet (Gallery, 1998).

[53] Teevan, 82.

[54] Mahon, Bacchae: 41-42, 62.

[55] McDonald, 68-69.

[56] Mahon, Antarctica (Gallery, 1985).

[57] Paulin, 'A Terminal Ironist: Derek Mahon,' Writing to the Moment 81.

[58] Irish gathering with traditional dance and music.

[59] Invaluable suggestions for, and corrections to, this paper were made by Lorna Hardwick and the referees. Thanks are also due to Carol Gillespie for her patience, and The Open University Arts Faculty in Belfast, for financial support.

 

 

 

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